The Power of the Situation
A week of urban mayhem was ignited by the April 29, 1992 jury acquittal of four white
police officers who were captured on videotape beating black motorist Rodney King. The
angry response in South Central produced its own brutal footage, most dramatically the
live broadcast from a hovering TV news helicopter of two black men striking
unconscious with a brick, kicking, and then dancing over the body of, white truck driver
Reginald Denny. The final three-day toll of what many community activists took to
defiantly calling an uprising, revolt, or rebellion, was put at 53 dead, some $1 billion
in property damage, nearly 2,000 arrests, and countless businesses in ashes. These two
men, Damian Williams and Henry Watson undoubtedly committed a heinous crime, but
thousands more looted, burned, and destroyed property with the same disregard for life
and property. Were all these people criminals who used the verdicts as an excuse to
commit crimes, or was the nature of the social situation the primary determinant of this
nefarious behavior? In the course of this paper, I plan to explore this question from a
psychological perspective with an emphasize on conformity and social norms, bystander
intervention, social perception and reality, and finally, prejudice. Generally looking
at the Los Angeles riots, and specifically drawing upon the Reginald Denny beating and
subsequent trial, the power of the situation becomes evident, as thousands of people
living in an extremely poor and crime-ridden area of Los Angeles, lashed out against a
perception of injustice through violence.
The conditions that lead people to perceive themselves as victims of unjust actions are
rather complex. In this case, the favorable verdicts towards the officers who beat
Rodney King was the "unjust action", not only for Rodney King, but for the community he
came from. The perceived damage to desired social identities and justice led to
resentment on the part of a
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historically poor and underprivileged class of citizens. The individual attempts to
explain the event (the verdicts) by processes of attribution in which grievance may or
may not be formed. (DeRidder, Schruijer, and Tripathi, 1992). The attribution of
responsibility and blame is activated when confronted with unexpected behavior, unwanted
consequences, or stressful, puzzling, and important events (Wong & Weiner, 1981). Thus
the attribution process may be activated either when the individual experiences harm, or
perceives an anti-normative action by another person or group.
Contrary to popular belief, not everyone residing in south-central Los Angeles looted.
Instead the majority stayed in their homes until the participants ceased their
destructive activities. This does not take away from the validity of the attribution
theory due to the individual differences in attribution. These differences correspond
with discrepancies in how one copes with a perceived injustice towards them. In the case
of the rioters, they overestimated the dispositional factors and underestimated the
situational ones (the fundamental attribution error). They saw the verdicts less as an
explainable, rational decision by a jury of their peers, under the laws of California
(situational), and more as a direct consequence of "the white man's power over the black
man" and the failure of the American legal system in general (dispositional). But
although attribution process plays a significant role in the motivation and
rationalization of the rioters, it is only one of many factors that eventually led to the
infamous Los Angeles riots.
It is safe to assume that for the most part, the individuals participating in the riots
did not have a history of criminal activities. Yet why did they act upon their
grievances in a matter totally unacceptable in their society and step beyond their social
roles? The answer can best be illustrated by considering at an experiment preformed 20
years ago in Stanford, California.
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"The Stanford Prison Experiment (Haney & Zimbardo, 1977) created a new "social reality"
in which the norms of good behavior were overwhelmed by the dynamics of the situation."
(Zimbardo 586). In the same sense, the outcome of the verdicts, which was totally
unexpected by those who most identified with Rodney King, created a new social reality, a
society which does not deliver justice to blacks and minorities in their minds. Just as
the Stanford students radically altered their mind-set to adapt to the situation, the
rioters disregarded the norms of society because they were overwhelmed with the new
social reality created by the outcome of the Rodney King case. Once a few members of the
community began committing crimes, those who identified with their view of social reality
and shared the same attribution processes, joined them.
Specifically now I draw on the case of Reginald Denny, a white truck driver who was
savagely beaten by two black males as he slowed down to avoid hitting rioters on the
street. The nature of the beating was particularly disturbing because the assailants
were joking, laughing, and dancing while they smashed Denny's skull into nearly 100
pieces. As one of the witnesses [race not specified] explained to the New York Times,
"They [the defendants] seemed just like anyone, just like you and I. I see them just as
two human beings. They just got caught up in the riot. I guess maybe they were in the
wrong place at the wrong time." Although the witness may not of realized it, he was
applying an aspect of psychology to justify the actions of Damian Williams and Henry
Watson. The objective of this paper is not to excuse the actions of the individuals
involved in the riots, but to help explain their actions from a psychological perspective
so that one can judge for themselves the rationale behind their actions on an individual
and group basis. The Reginald Denny beating is particularly useful not only because it
demonstrates the power of the
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situation, but also because it reveals other aspects of situational forces acting on the
observers as well as the participants.
Reginald Denny was beaten by these men in broad daylight in front of many bystanders.
True the context of the beating was that of a full fledged riot, but not a single person
came to the aid of the helpless victim as helicopters overhead recorded the 47 minute
beating for the nightly news. This phenomena of bystander intervention is explained in
this case by the diffusion of responsibility theory (Darley & Latane, 1968). This result
arises when more than one person can help in an emergency situation and people assume
that someone else will or should help. Another factor which plays into this serious
apathy is the situational cost of helping Denny. Perhaps bystanders felt that, yes the
two men were going too far, but they did not do anything because they felt that the cost
would be too high, in this case, their own safety. They simply did not feel responsible
for the well-being of Denny in the new social reality they were absorbed in.
Perhaps the best method to analyze the behaviors of the rioters is through the
humanistic approach. Humanistic psychologists study behavior but unlike behaviorists,
they "focus on the subjective world experienced by the individual, rather than on the
objective world seen by external observers and researchers." (Zimbardo 18). In short,
they believe that social and cultural forces are critical to true understanding of a
person's inner self. With the Los Angeles riots, it would truly be a mistake to attempt
to interpret the actions of the participants without considering the social and cultural
forces within the community. This approach is particularly useful because it looks for
personal values and social conditions that develops self-limiting, aggressive, and in
this case, destructive perspectives. Looking at the riots from a humanistic perspective,
the issue of
prejudice must be explored to understand the reasoning behind this "blind ethnic
retribution"
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(Deviant Behavior, 1994, Feb, 1-32).
Would Reginald Denny have been pulled out of his truck and nearly beaten to death if he
were black by these black men? After the verdicts, people living in south-central Los
Angeles and other minority neighborhoods began chanting, "No Justice, No Peace!" They
saw the enemy as white, whether it be in the form of the white officers who beat Rodney
King, or for the Denny's assailants, Denny himself. "Prejudice is the learned attitude
toward a target object, involving negative feeling (dislike or fear), negative beliefs
(stereotypes) that justify the attitude, and a behavioral intention to avoid, control,
dominate, or eliminate those int he target group." (Zimbardo 615). The "us" versus
"them" mentality results in social categorization in which people place themselves and
others into groups. To say that prejudice had little or no role in the riots is simply
wrong. Yet a thorough examination of racism and it's socio-economic implications in
America cannot be explained within the context of this short paper. Instead, for the
purpose of this study, it is important to realize that once formed, prejudices exert a
powerful force on the way relevant experiences are processed.
African and Hispanic Americans living in the inner cities harbored grievances against a
perceived discriminatory system imposed by whiles, and when officers' Koon, Powell, Wind,
and Briseno were acquitted of charges of brutality toward Rodney King, there ensued a
riot in Los Angeles which lasted for three days and took the nation by utter surprise.
This is a powerful case which empirically displays that human thought and action are
deeply affected by situational influences. The participants constructed a social role
that caused them to act contrary to their beliefs, values, and personalities in order to
resolve their grievances.
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