Overview: Imperial Presidency
In his book, The Imperial Presidency, Arthur Schlesinger recounts the rise of the
presidency as it grew into the imperial, powerful position that it is today. His writing
reflects a belief that the presidency is becoming too powerful and that very few people
are making a real effort to stop it. He analyzes the back and forth struggle for power
between Congress and the Presidency. Schlesinger breaks up the first half of the book
chronologically. He begins by discussing the areas concerning the presidency where the
founding fathers agreed and also the areas where they disagreed. He then goes on to
analyze the rise of the imperial presidency through war and recovery, with emphasis on
the events of the twentieth century. After the war in Vietnam, Schlesinger divides the
book based on the specific nature of the events that had an impact on presidential power.
He divides it based on domestic policy, foreign policy, and the affairs that go on in
secrecy.
Schlesinger provides an incredible amount of evidence to recount the ups and downs of
the imperial presidency. He provides a base for his argument with an in-depth view of
what the framers intended and how they set the stage for development over the next two
centuries. An issue that Schlesinger focuses on is the presidents ability to make war.
The decisions of the founders in this area would have a huge impact on the power
contained in the office of the president. The consensus amongst the framers was that the
president, as Commander in Chief, had the ability to defend the United States and its
interests, but the ability to declare war was vested in the Congress. This decision set
the stage for the struggles between the president and congress. He also discussed the
debate over the power institutionalized in the presidency. At the time, there were two
schools of thought on the subject. Hamilton supported an active president, while
Jefferson argued in favor of a passive president. The final draft included a compromise
of the two theories. There was also some debate over the power of the president versus
the power of congress. Additionally, there was a compromise made over this issue when
writing the final draft. The spirit of compromise amongst the founders was what provided
a viable and secure base for the future of the presidency.
After his discussion of the founders, Schlesinger shifts to the president's powers of
war. He analyzes every war, excluding the Revolution, that the United States has
participated in up to and including the war in Vietnam. He discusses the specifics of
each scenario and the way in which the president handles it. Schlesinger develops the
slowly growing power of the presidency by recounting the actions that the president
carried out on his own as well as those that required the consent of Congress to be
accomplished. As time progressed, Schlesinger made note of all the major events that
increased and decreased the power of the presidency. For example, he discusses the almost
dictatorial power of Lincoln during the Civil War and then the impeachment of Andrew
Johnson shortly thereafter. These are two events that are indicative of the seesaw
struggle between the presidency and Congress. Schlesinger goes on to discuss additional
examples of conflict between the presidency and Congress such as the dominance of
Congress during the late 1800's, the annexation of Texas, the Great Depression, W.W.II,
the Korean War, and the war in Vietnam.
Schlesinger focuses a great deal of attention on the events of the twentieth century,
because, in part, this was when the power of the presidency vaulted to the level that it
currently maintains. The reason for this, in addition to what the early presidents had
done, was that the government was growing fast and the role of the government was
increasing. There were many gray areas in which the president could extend his power. The
power of the president to make war as Commander in Chief is an example of a gray area
where the presidency was able to gain much power. Schlesinger discusses how the president
was able to gain power through the clause in the Constitution that gives the president
the power to mobilize the military, without the consent of Congress, in the name of
national defense. This clause allowed the president to deploy forces around the world.
The grayness of this area comes from the fact that what one man may consider an act of
defense, another man may consider to be an act of aggression, and vice versa. Because of
this, the presidency was able to gain a leg up on Congress.
Schlesinger also discusses the actions taken within the inner sanctum of the White
House. His focus is on the presidents from FDR through Nixon. Many of these men made many
controversial decisions while in the oval office. Schlesinger goes over these actions
with a microscope. For instance, he discusses the extreme secrecy and deception that
Nixon practiced while in office. He analyzes the specific actions of the administration,
the reasons for the actions, and the result of the actions. According to Schlesinger, the
result of Nixon's extreme secrecy led him to be withdrawn from the rest of the country.
He eventually created his own reality within the White House. It was a self-perceived
reality where he could do whatever he wanted, right or wrong. This led to a somber,
macabre mood throughout the White House, and eventually led to Nixon's downfall. He goes
over the administrations of the modern presidents with a fine-toothed comb. He reviews
their actions in reference to their specific nature (i.e., internal policy and foreign
policy). Schlesinger also spends a chapter discussing the classified actions that only
the officials in Washington knew about. He reviews the covert actions throughout the
history of the presidency, not merely the twentieth century. Although, as is the case
with most other topic areas, he focuses on the modern presidents. The majority of these
secret actions involved either the CIA or the military. Even though we are unaware that
these actions are occurring, they have a big impact on both our lives and the imperial
power of the office of the presidency.
Methodology & Evidence: Imperial Presidency
Schlesinger proves his thesis by following American politics from the founding fathers
up through the Nixon administration. He recounts the major political actions taken by the
presidents over the first two-hundred years of the United States. He shows how the
presidency grew in power and stature by reviewing the specifics of the actions of the
individual presidents. Through these actions, Schlesinger shows how the presidency
gradually accumulated power. He shows how the presidents wrestled power away from
Congress bit by bit over time. The reactions of Congress are analyzed as well as the rest
of Washington, and the general public. Schlesinger describes how the president gradually,
over time, began to make more and more decisions on his own, leaving Congress in the
dark. His incredible historical knowledge allows him to justify all his arguments. He
provides more than sufficient specific information on what was really going on in
Washington and the White House. It seems as though Schlesinger knew the specifics and
background of every major presidential decision and treaty every made.
As he moves into the twentieth century, Schlesinger expresses the opinion that the
presidency is gaining too much power and that Congress has not taken the necessary
measures to prevent this. Schlesinger expresses disapproval of the secrecy that
presidents have been exercising and their practice of circumventing Congress. He directs
the most disapproval towards the Nixon administration. He speaks of Nixon as the most
secretive and the most independent from Congress. The Nixon administration was
characterized by the sneakiness that Schlesinger most strongly disapproved of.
Schlesinger does not express his opinions outright, but infers them through the tone of
his writing.
Presidential Power
In his book, Richard Neustadt discusses the quest for power and influence that has
become necessary for a modern president to be effective. He believes that the
constitution provides only for the president to be a clerk. This is why it is necessary
for a president to be thirsty for power to be effective. There is very little power
provided for the constitution. He has to have the initiative to make things happen. The
key to power, he believes, is the ability to persuade people. Neustadt contends that the
power of the President is constantly in jeopardy, and that the ability to persuade is
necessary for the president not only to gain power, but to also maintain his power. Also,
Neustadt believes the president's ability to influence people is necessary to move the
three branches of government into action. He says that there are several necessary
qualities that a president must have in order to exert this influence. The president must
be tenacious while also understanding of others. If he wants to get anything done, he
must be persistent, but it is necessary that he listen to the opinions of others and use
their suggestions. As an aspect of his persistence, a president must be able to rebound
from adversity. Then, he will have the respect and confidence of the people.
Neustadt writes the book from the perspective of the general public looking in from the
outside. He shows much understanding of the presidency and an awareness of the position
the president is placed in. His great knowledge of the presidency and his first hand
experience with the institution provide him with the basis for his argument. He contends
that the presidency is not as powerful as we think it is. In fact, he believes that an
increase in presidential power would be good for the country and is not to be feared. In
essence, he contends that presidents should strive for power and strive for it on their
own.
Conclusion
Schlesinger and Neustadt both have an incredible knowledge of the history of American
politics, and both have had first hand experience as counsel to the president. Although,
in their respective books, Schlesinger and Neustadt express distinctly different
opinions. Schlesinger is more wary of presidential power than Neustadt. Neustadt believes
that presidents should try to accumulate as much power as possible for the good of the
country. Schlesinger, on the other hand, believes that the presidency has accumulated
more than enough power, and the other branches of government should take action to check
the trend. Neustadt believes that presidents gain power through good, hard work and
persuasion. Schlesinger writes that power is the result of sneakiness and boldness. In
short, Neustadt thought that an increase power would be positive, and Schlesinger thought
it would be a detriment.
Each author supported his argument by personifying it in a specific president. Neustadt
used FDR, while Schlesinger used Nixon. Neustadt felt that FDR exemplified all the
qualities necessary for an effective presidency. He was vigorous, experienced, confident,
and a sincere person. He was willing to do what it took to get things done in the best
interest of the country, and he did it ethically. According to Schlesinger, Nixon was
also willing to do whatever it took to make things happen, but ethics were of little
importance to him. Schlesinger discussed how he gained his power by keeping Congress, the
media, and the public ignorant of his actions, legal and illegal. His sneaky, underhanded
ways were what led to his downfall. He had become too powerful. He felt he could get away
with anything.
Neither man is wrong. They just maintain different views. Neustadt focused on the good
things that have come from presidential power (FDR), while Schlesinger pointed out the
negative (Nixon). Although, each man's argument is not completely right. Neustadt
displays a bit too much optimism. He does not take in to account the abuses of power that
are likely to happen if a president becomes too powerful. He doesn't consider the fact
that not all presidents are completely ethical. Schlesinger expresses a bit too much
pessimism. This is a result of the Johnson and Nixon administration. Schlesinger may have
been reacting to all the negative things that were coming out as a result of Vietnam and
Watergate. The Imperial Presidency was written at a time when political efficacy was very
low. Had Schlesinger written the book at any other time, he probably wouldn't have been
that wary of an overly powerful president. If I had to make a recommendation, I would
endorse both. The seem to compliment each other. Neustadt discusses how presidential
power can improve the presidency and the government, and enumerates the traits necessary
to achieve it. Schlesinger helps to warn us of the problems that can arise from too much
power. Together, they provide us with both sides of the argument.
Imperial Presidency / Presidential Power
Imperial Presidency Presidential Power
Arthur Schlesinger Richard Neustadt
Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston 1973 Simon & Schuster
copyright ? 1973 by Arthur Schlesinger copyright ? 1986 by Macmillan College
505 pp. Publishing
Company, Inc.
Overview: Imperial Presidency
In his book, The Imperial Presidency, Arthur Schlesinger recounts the rise of the
presidency as it grew into the imperial, powerful position that it is today. His writing
reflects a belief that the presidency is becoming too powerful and that very few people
are making a real effort to stop it. He analyzes the back and forth struggle for power
between Congress and the Presidency. Schlesinger breaks up the first half of the book
chronologically. He begins by discussing the areas concerning the presidency where the
founding fathers agreed and also the areas where they disagreed. He then goes on to
analyze the rise of the imperial presidency through war and recovery, with emphasis on
the events of the twentieth century. After the war in Vietnam, Schlesinger divides the
book based on the specific nature of the events that had an impact on presidential power.
He divides it based on domestic policy, foreign policy, and the affairs that go on in
secrecy.
Schlesinger provides an incredible amount of evidence to recount the ups and downs of
the imperial presidency. He provides a base for his argument with an in-depth view of
what the framers intended and how they set the stage for development over the next two
centuries. An issue that Schlesinger focuses on is the presidents ability to make war.
The decisions of the founders in this area would have a huge impact on the power
contained in the office of the president. The consensus amongst the framers was that the
president, as Commander in Chief, had the ability to defend the United States and its
interests, but the ability to declare war was vested in the Congress. This decision set
the stage for the struggles between the president and congress. He also discussed the
debate over the power institutionalized in the presidency. At the time, there were two
schools of thought on the subject. Hamilton supported an active president, while
Jefferson argued in favor of a passive president. The final draft included a compromise
of the two theories. There was also some debate over the power of the president versus
the power of congress. Additionally, there was a compromise made over this issue when
writing the final draft. The spirit of compromise amongst the founders was what provided
a viable and secure base for the future of the presidency.
After his discussion of the founders, Schlesinger shifts to the president's powers of
war. He analyzes every war, excluding the Revolution, that the United States has
participated in up to and including the war in Vietnam. He discusses the specifics of
each scenario and the way in which the president handles it. Schlesinger develops the
slowly growing power of the presidency by recounting the actions that the president
carried out on his own as well as those that required the consent of Congress to be
accomplished. As time progressed, Schlesinger made note of all the major events that
increased and decreased the power of the presidency. For example, he discusses the almost
dictatorial power of Lincoln during the Civil War and then the impeachment of Andrew
Johnson shortly thereafter. These are two events that are indicative of the seesaw
struggle between the presidency and Congress. Schlesinger goes on to discuss additional
examples of conflict between the presidency and Congress such as the dominance of
Congress during the late 1800's, the annexation of Texas, the Great Depression, W.W.II,
the Korean War, and the war in Vietnam.
Schlesinger focuses a great deal of attention on the events of the twentieth century,
because, in part, this was when the power of the presidency vaulted to the level that it
currently maintains. The reason for this, in addition to what the early presidents had
done, was that the government was growing fast and the role of the government was
increasing. There were many gray areas in which the president could extend his power. The
power of the president to make war as Commander in Chief is an example of a gray area
where the presidency was able to gain much power. Schlesinger discusses how the president
was able to gain power through the clause in the Constitution that gives the president
the power to mobilize the military, without the consent of Congress, in the name of
national defense. This clause allowed the president to deploy forces around the world.
The grayness of this area comes from the fact that what one man may consider an act of
defense, another man may consider to be an act of aggression, and vice versa. Because of
this, the presidency was able to gain a leg up on Congress.
Schlesinger also discusses the actions taken within the inner sanctum of the White
House. His focus is on the presidents from FDR through Nixon. Many of these men made many
controversial decisions while in the oval office. Schlesinger goes over these actions
with a microscope. For instance, he discusses the extreme secrecy and deception that
Nixon practiced while in office. He analyzes the specific actions of the administration,
the reasons for the actions, and the result of the actions. According to Schlesinger, the
result of Nixon's extreme secrecy led him to be withdrawn from the rest of the country.
He eventually created his own reality within the White House. It was a self-perceived
reality where he could do whatever he wanted, right or wrong. This led to a somber,
macabre mood throughout the White House, and eventually led to Nixon's downfall. He goes
over the administrations of the modern presidents with a fine-toothed comb. He reviews
their actions in reference to their specific nature (i.e., internal policy and foreign
policy). Schlesinger also spends a chapter discussing the classified actions that only
the officials in Washington knew about. He reviews the covert actions throughout the
history of the presidency, not merely the twentieth century. Although, as is the case
with most other topic areas, he focuses on the modern presidents. The majority of these
secret actions involved either the CIA or the military. Even though we are unaware that
these actions are occurring, they have a big impact on both our lives and the impe
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